When writing about the Presidential preference polls, I often get friendly reminders along the lines of, “hey, meathead – - Obama still is the leader.” True enough, although the lead is small; but if the election were held tomorrow, McCain would win. There are several factors at play, including the re-emergence of the Bradley-Wilder Effect.

First, the easy factors, then a discussion of Bradley-Wilder.

Studies of opinion polling indicate that the margin of the leading candidate is usually overstated, even if only by a small amount. The average overstatement has been estimated to be about 2%. Even if we assume that because this race is already close, the overstatement is minimal, say 1%, that still brings the contest to a virtual tie.

Second, because the Republicans have a small Electoral College advantage, the Republican candidate can win a close race while running second in the popular vote, as Bush did in 2000. The difference very likely must be small, probably no more than one per cent in the nationwide popular vote; but this race is very close right now.

The Bradley-Wilder Effect was first observed in the 1982 California governor’s race, when popular Los Angeles mayor Tom Bradley was well ahead in the polls but lost the election by a narrow margin. The effect was observed in another prominent race when Douglas Wilder won the governorship of Virginia by an extremely narrow margin, despite polls showing Wilder with a comfortable lead. The Bradley-Wilder Effect was observed in a number of other elections during the period 1982-1996. In all cases, the election involved a black candidate who received far fewer votes than the public-opinion polls indicated.

Virginia Gov. Douglas Wilder

Virginia Gov. Douglas Wilder

There seems to be a general consensus that the Bradley-Wilder Effect disappeared after 1996, although most observers believe it can re-appear in certain conditions. There is also a general consensus, with which I disagree, that the Bradley-Wilder Effect is a function of racism; see, for example, Susan Estrich’s article, Race and the Democratic Party.

In my view, while there may be a certain degree of racism involved, the Bradley-Wilder Effect results primarily from social pressures to conform to certain behaviors and the desire of voters not to be labeled as a “racist” or an “Uncle Tom.” Such labels represent a serious form of social ostracism in this country and can have negative impacts on personal, social, political, employment, and business relationships. There can be substantial pressure on someone who normally votes “Party X” to voice support for the “Party X” nominee; if the nominee is black, but someone has decided to vote for another candidate for any reason, there arises an incentive to claim support for the “Party X” candidate or to declare as “undecided.” This skews the pre-election polls so that the “Party X” candidate has a larger apparent share of the vote.

But if the Bradley-Wilder Effect disappeared after 1996, will it impact this election? I believe that the answer to this question is “yes” because the conditions which gave rise to the Bradley-Wilder Effect appear to be present today.

Obviously, the first condition is met: the leading Democratic candidate is black. Also, the Bradley-Wilder Effect came into play in well-publicized races. Tom Bradley was the first black mayor of Los Angeles; Doug Wilder was the first black governor of Virginia; David Dinkins was the first black mayor of New York City; Harold Washington was the first black mayor of Chicago; all of these elections are cited as Bradley-Wilder cases and all were well-publicized. The current Presidential contest certainly meets this second condition.

The third condition is also met: there are issues which are race-related, directly or indirectly. Ironically, the presence of those issues has been induced primarily by race-carding by the Obama campaign.

The Bradley-Wilder Effect is signaled by a relatively large number of “undecided” voters. This phenomenon is unquestionably present in the 2008 race. I have calculated that the standalone polls have been reporting “undecideds” in the range of 10% to 12% consistently since early May of 2008. Undecideds for the current period, early August to date, are about 10.6%. In contrast, at a similar stage in the 2004 Presidential election, “undecideds” were an average of 4.9% in the standalone polls reported by Real Clear Politics. The average of “undecideds” in June of 2004 was 7.4%; in early July, 5.5%; in late July, 7.5%. In the first half of August in the 2000 Presidential election, “undecideds” were about 4% to 5%, very close to the 2004 figure.

The most likely explanation for the high proportion of “undecideds” is the presence of a Bradley-Wilder Effect in this year’s election. The impact of Bradley-Wilder has been estimated at 3% to 10% of the actual vote. Even at the lower end, this difference defeats Obama.

The Rasmussen Tracking Poll as of this writing on August 9, 2008, has been flat for nine days, with a 1% Obama lead in every report. If the leader-overstatement factor is a minimal 1%, the race is tied; a minimal Bradley-Wilder Effect means a McCain +3 popular vote. If the actual vote is McCain +3, then virtually all of the battleground states become Red states: Colorado, Ohio, Florida, Virginia, Missouri, North Carolina, Nevada, New Hampshire, and possibly Michigan as well. The Bradley-Wilder Effect may be higher, since the difference between past “undecideds” and the “undecideds” in the 2008 race has been close to 5%.

Please keep in mind that voting decisions are often far more complex then we assume, and movements in opinion polls are similarly complex and may not mean what we think they mean. For example, there may be alternative reasons or a better explanation for the high proportion of “undecideds” in the 2008 polling results to date. Nonetheless, I have concluded that there is a very realistic probability that the Bradley-Wilder Effect is in play.


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